LOUISIANA IN THE CIVIL WAR

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SCOPE & CONTENT

The goal of Louisiana in the Civil War is to provide an online resource of information and links to our great state's involvement in the war. Topics expected to be commonly covered are: Battles fought in Louisiana, battles that Louisianians participated in, unit histories, rosters, uniforms and equipment of Louisiana soldiers, personalities to include not only the leadership of the state and armies but the common soldier, flags and resources to research/read on the state's role in the war.



Louisiana in the Civil War strongly supports the input of the Civil War community. Submissions of stories, information, etc. are welcome and full credit will be given for what we share.

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Bourbeaux

Bourbeaux
Sketch of the Battle of Bayou Bourbeaux, November 3, 1863. The sketch is drawn from behind Union artillery facing west to northwest as Texas cavalry swarms the 67th Indiana.

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Wednesday, May 20, 2015

165th New York, 2nd Battalion "Duryee's Zouaves" during the Siege of Port Hudson

Below is taken from History of the Second Battalion Duryee Zouaves: One Hundred and Sixty-fifth Regiment New York Volunteer Infantry (1905), pages 16-20.



A Duryee Zouave

May 20. Arrived at Baton Rouge; all knapsacks were 
stored. 

May 21. Early left for Port Hudson, arriving in time to 
support the ist Vermont Battery; fight at Plains Store. 

May 23. General Thomas W. Sherman, 2d division, and 
three brigades with 15 pieces of artillery moved to the left, 
resting on river at Port Hudson, La. 

May 24. Our line advanced and occupied the camps de 
serted by the enemy (and we got more than we bargained for) 
they having retreated inside of their fortifications; day and 
night the bombardment from Farragut s fleet kept up ; at night 
we could see the shells fly through the air, make a graceful 
curve, hear them strike and explode; motor batteries were 
placed along our lines at short distances during the siege and 
mostly used at night to keep the besieged wide awake and 
to tire them out; it was a grand sight while on picket to 
witness the display during night bombardment. 

May 25. The day is clear and pleasant, the men having 
no tents are making themselves as comfortable as possible. 
The bombardment all day and night from the fleet; constant 
firing on the line during the day; many men wounded. 

May 26. Skirmishing continued all day, also the bombard 
ment; Co. D went on picket at 4 P.M. Bombardment all 
night long; no sleep on the picket-line on account of the noise. 


May 27, 1863: First major assault on Port Hudson


May 27. Early in the morning we were informed that 
there was to be an assault on the works; 9 A.M. we advanced 
our line of pickets and acted as skirmishers; a lively time 
we had until 2 P.M., when we were called in to join our regiment 
which was designated to lead the brigade in the assault; as 
we advanced through the woods, coming to a clearing, we found 
trees for several hundred feet felled in all manner of directions; 
as we emerged from the woods the enemy opened on us with 
infantry and artillery; we managed to get through the fallen 
timber, but hardly a man had a decent pair of pants on him; 
our Colonel formed in division front on color division; this 
was done under constant fire; as soon as formed the men 

17 

were ordered to lie down in their positions, waiting for the 
rest of the brigade to come up ; they did not get up to our 
line, so the Colonel ordered the charge; when about 150 
yards from the works the enemy gave us grape and canister 
at short range; I never saw anything like it; our men were 
mowed down; the firing was terrific; Corporal Nels Rosen- 
steiner, Co. D, carrying the State flag was killed; private Flah 
erty, of Co. F seized it and bore it through engagement, after 
wards appointed to carry the flag; our Colonel, Major and line 
officers wounded, the men by natural instinct deployed as 
skirmishers taking to whatever protection they could; we 
finally fell back the best we could. Such a sight; the dead 
and wounded lay thick ; the wounded groaning and calling for 
water (of which we had little to give) and calling upon us not 
to desert them; the firing from the enemy slackened; six of 
us made an effort to bring in the body of the Colonel ; we 
finally reached him and brought him in carefully over the fallen 
timber ; the enemy came out from their works to take as many 
as they could prisoners; what was left of the regiment re 
formed in the woods under Captain Agnus (now General Felix 
Agnus, proprietor of the Baltimore American); the whole 
army was repulsed with terrible slaughter; everything in our 
lines was confusion and turmoil; our overcoats, blankets, 
and haversacks had been left in the woods before making the 
charge. Night coming on the men were unable to find them ; 
the battalion was composed of 6 companies and did not 
number over 350 officers and men; the regimental loss was 18 
killed, 70 wounded, 12 missing, prisoners; Co D, i lieutenant 
and 7 privates killed, 14 wounded, and 3 wounded prisoners; 
At the time of the assault the 2d division was under com 
mand of Brigadier-General Thomas W. Sherman; our 3d 
brigade under command of Brigadier-General Frank S. Nicker- 
son, composed of the i4th 24th and 28th Maine Volunteers, 
1 65th (2d Duryee Zouaves) and 17 7th New York Volunteers, 
supported by the 2ist New York and ist Vermont Batteries; 
General Sherman, Division Commander, lost his leg, and 7 staff 
officers were wounded. 




Lieutenant Colonel Abel Smith
Wounded on May 27, 1863 (Died from wounds June 27, 1863)



May 28. Flag of truce; the wounded were brought in and 
dead buried. 

June 14. Sunday, at 2 A.M., our regiment left camp, pro 
ceeded some distance to the left; at daybreak four companies 

18 



were sent out to the front as sharpshooters, with all the am 
munition we could store away in our pockets ; canteens filled 
(no haversacks), we advanced from stump to stump on our 
hands and knees as far as we could, every man to a stump; 
the day was intensely hot; the 6th Michigan was on the 
line parallel with us to our left (a very good regiment) ; 
our orders were to keep up a regular fire, to keep the enemy 
from concentrating their men on the center where our main 
assault was to be made, which assault proved another failure; 
great bravery was shown by our troops; after repeated 
charges our army was driven back with another great loss of 
life; our line of sharpshooters suffered for want of water; 
several attempts were made, by crawling from one to the 
other, to gather a few canteens then crawl back; when the 
detail thought he could up and run a ball would roll him over; 
after a number of attempts, every man wounded who attempted 
it, it was given up, and we had to suffer for want of water; 
several times the enemy s artillery tried to drive us out by 
grape and cannister, but we held on, remaining on the line all 
night. 

June 15. Early in the morning we went back into the 
trenches. At 10 A.M. we were relieved and returned to camp, 
and had something to eat and drink after 32 hours fasting. 

June 19. The regiment went into the rifle pits and con 
tinued there for 48 hours. 

June 24. Word came that our Colonel (Abel Smith) died 
in a hospital at New Orleans. (A great loss to us. He was a 
strict disciplinarian; had drilled the regiment in infantry, 
light and heavy artillery, bayonet exercise and skirmish drill 
by bugle. He went upon the principle that idleness breeds 
disease. He kept the men busy, demanded cleanliness, drilled 
the non-commissioned officers personally, and they the squads, 
so that before we left camp Parapet the regiment was a unit 
in drill. He looked after the health of the men, inspected 
cook-houses and rations daily, holding the Commissary-Ser 
geants responsible, and personally saw that the men got what 
they were entitled to from the Quartermaster and Commis 
sary. Company funds were started to buy vegetables and other 
: ,necessary articles for the comfort of the men. Captains of 
.companies were held responsible for the appearance of the 
linen. He encouraged amusements, together with strict sani- 
tary regulations. The consequence was that during the season, 
the men becoming acclimated, the death loss was small. The 
Sanitary Commission that visited the Department to look 
after the health of the troops, stated in their report that the 
1 65th New York Volunteers had the cleanest and healthiest 
camp in the Department of the Gulf, and that the officers 
looked after the health of the men. Although nearly every 
man was sick with fever we only lost three men one by disease, 
two others accidentally shot. The result wa^ that the men 
were ready for any duty they were called upon to perform. 
The camp was in a swamp, and was called Camp Death by the 
previous regiment that formerly occupied it. They lost a 
great many men by death, and looked back to it with sorrow. 
And in our future service we more and more missed his faith 
fulness to his command). 

June 26. This afternoon left camp and laid in support of 
some batteries, at night returned to camp. 

June 29 and 30. Night assaults with hand-grenades on 
the water batteries and citadel on the extreme left of our line 
at Port Hudson; Captain Chas. A. Walker, Co. A, had com 
mand of the three right companies, and Lieutenant John P. 
Morris, of Co. E, the three left companies, the detail from each 
company being under command of a non-commissioned officer 
of that company, the detail from Co. E being under command 
of Second Sergeant A. G. Mills, now the president of our Veteran 
Association; supporting the 6th Michigan Infantry, left, our 
approaches which were close up to the trenches in front of the 
citadel drove, the Confederates from their trench, but the posi 
tion was intolerable and we retired with the loss of i private 
killed and 6 wounded. 

Lieutenant John P. Morris



                  Captain Chas. A Walker             


July 1. Regiment returned to camp from attack on water 
batteries . 

July 2. Rebel cavalry made a raid on Springfield Landing; 
our regiment with others were ordered there; returned to 
camp; July 5 Vicksburg reported surrendered. 

July 8. Surrender of Port Hudson; 6,000 prisoners, 60 
pieces of artillery. 

July 9. The regiment complimented in orders for its 
share of the victory, and selected to represent our brigade in 
receiving the surrender July 9th, marched inside the works, 
and formed line in front of the Confederate garrison, who at 

20 

command of General Gardner, their commander, "grounded 
arms." The American colors were run up to the masthead. 

Monday, April 6, 2015

Rhode Island Yankee on the "Cajans"


Captain Joshua M. Addeman


Joshua M. Addeman was a Captain in the 14th Rhode Island Heavy Artillery, Colored. The Fourteenth was ordered to Louisiana on November 19, 1863 and served in Louisiana until the end of the war. While traveling from Donaldsonville to Brashear City, Addeman described his long, weary trip along Louisiana's bayous. In doing so, Addeman had comments so say of Louisiana's Cajun population:

"Speaking of the bayous, it would be difficult to give a clear conception of their peculiarities. Equally strange are the people who inhabit those solitudes. Time would not permit me to describe the "Cajans"--corruption of "Acadians,"--descendants of the exiles who early settled the territory of Louisiana, but who have been driven from their first places of settlement by those more ambitious and unscrupulous. Living in isolated communities, with their artless and unambitious characteristics, their simplicity and exclusiveness, they would furnish material enough for an elaborate paper."



Monday, March 30, 2015

Captain James Franklin Fitts on Port Hudson


Captain Franklin Fitts, 114th New York Infantry

Captain Fitts wrote an article titled "A June Day at Port Hudson" in The Galaxy: A Magazine of Entertaining Reading, Volume 2, p. 121-131. Here is most of Fitts' article on the 114th New York at Port Hudson.





A JUNE DAY AT PORT HUDSON
...Between the spot where the One Hundred and Fourteenth New York lay and the Rebel works was a great ravine, or gulf—the latter word best describes it. In some places upon either side the hills projected out prominently into this pit; at others, the descent was gradual and easy. The crests of the hills bounding the gulf upon both sides were fortified and held by the opposing armies, lying within easy rifle-shot of each other; between lay the debatable ground, over which balls, shells, and bullets were hurled back and forth. The slopes of the hills, and the narrow intervening level at their bases, were thickly grown with brambles and thorny briers, tangled with felled timber, and abounding in precipitous and difficult descents. They were all that lay between us and the prize, but they were for many days neutral ground. By daylight no man set foot in it; hundreds of eyes were watching it for a mark, and no one transgressed the limits of his own works without instantly becoming a target. The two sides of the ridge which our sharpshooters occupied were strikingly contrasted. That which lay beneath the Rebel guns was as bare of life and motion as though a pestilence had swept it; the other, although quite as rough in its character, teemed with animation. The nature of the ground was such that the companies were somewhat detached from each other, a felled tree serving as a means of communication. The men lay well down from the top of the ridge to avoid the flying balls, when not on duty in the rifle-pits. Many, for greater security, burrowed for shelter in the side of the bank. At the bottom of this bank ran a stream of water, much too small for the wants of the numbers that crowded it. The heat was well-nigh insufferable, though shade was abundant. The flies came in swarms to annoy us. All the cooking was done a mile to the rear, as the smoke would have betrayed our exact position. And here in this wide wilderness we lay, stifled by the sultry atmosphere, and sometimes drenched by rains. Back of us, at eligible points, were brigade and division headquarters, and field hospitals, enclosed in a paling of leafy branches, and protected at exposed points by cotton bales. Still further back were the supply depots, from which the army was fed, and the reserve artillery; and to and fro between Springfield Landing and the front, six-mule teams were constantly passing, laden or empty as they came or went.
From right to left of our line siege guns and mortars were in position at easy intervals. The guns were artfully concealed with branches, so that their position could be seen only at each discharge. The gunners were protected within an outwork of cotton bales, seven feet high, which effectually sheltered them from bullets.
Our rifle-pits were mere excavations of earth near the crest of the ridge, hollowed out square, so as to entirely conceal a man standing upright. An open way of the same depth led down to the middle part of the hill, so that we could pass to and fro without exposure. They were dug large enough to contain half-a-dozen men, with elbow-room sufficient to admit of the ordinary motions of loading and firing. Each company furnished a detail for one or more of these pits, the details being generally relieved every twelve hours. Their business was to stand, rifle in hand, scrutinizing sharply the Rebel position; to give warning of anything suspicious or unusual, and to send a bullet after any Rebel who might be incautious enough to show his head. The rifle-pits were completed by heavy loop-holed logs laid flat upon the top of the ridge. Through this narrow opening, three inches square, the rifleman surveyed the situation, giving emphasis to his vigilance by the occasional bark of his "Springfield." What could be actually seen of Port Hudson from these loop-holes (and there was no other safe point of observation) was very little. Heaps of earth surmounting the ridge upon the Rebel front indicated where their defences lay, but the trees in the background stood so thick that it was often impossible to define the shape of the works. There was a forest with a Rebel flag waving from the summit of the tallest tree; there were two or three dilapidated old buildings; and there was a desperate and stubborn enemy, invisible to our eyes. Between him and us was "a great gulf fixed," with boundaries of fire and lead, which, for the present, were respected.
Sometimes, after orders to cease firing, a silence like that of the tombs would brood over both the lines, and anon the crash of musketry from every rifle-pit, quickly and furiously answered by the enemy, and the thunderous roar of heavy ordnance, flinging death and destruction, pealed up in a wild tumult of discord. The sharpshooters were sometimes instructed to keep up an uninterrupted fire, and again to wait for a mark. Deserters occasionally found their way into our linos at night, and, to distinguish thein from enemies, particular orders were sent to the rifle-pits to allow single men to come in who appeared outside without arms. At times the batteries fired in regular alternation from right to left, with an impressive effect upon the listener. At night, when the darkness was a sufficient shelter from the Rebel riflemen, it was interesting to mount above the rifle-pits and watch the flashes from the heavy guns, and the flaming shells from the mortars, hissing and gyrating in a wide sweep far overhead, and sinking out of sight behind the trees. There was always, at night, a rumbling noise from the old buildings opposite, which was suspected to be occasioned by the grinding of corn. They were swept from the ground by our shells before the siege had terminated. Many artifices were used in the rifle-pits to delude the enemy, and draw his fire. A favorite ruse was the exposure of a cap above the loop-holes, on a stick. Small puffs of smoke would instantly break out from the Rebel works, and bullets whistle overhead and sink into the embankment; and, at the same instant, a dozen rifles would ring out from our pits, and as many balls speed over toward the little smoke-puffs. A shovel was observed one morning to rise and fall regularly over the edge of the works directly opposite us, as if throwing earth upon an unfinished part. Several marksmen upon our side immediately engaged in the work of slopping that shovel. The dirt flew in clouds from the embankment as their balls perforated it, several striking near the top, where the earth was supposed to lie thinner, and where a ball might find a head. Some Rebel may or may not have fallen beneath the persistent hail of lead that was poured upon this spot for half an hour; but the audacious shovel continued to rise and fall, depositing the earth as nonchalantly as if there were sense in it to appreciate the hazard. Suspicious noises, such as the barking of dogs and rumbling of wagons, would quickly draw a heavy fire. Clumps of bushes, half-way down the opposite bank, which looked like inviting spots for the concealment of a lookout, were subjected to the same searching inquiry.

The casualties upon our side during this desultory warfare were not numerous, although they occurred daily at different points along the lines. Stray bullets sometimes entered the loop-holes, killing or wounding the men on duty behind them. There were places where our paths ran over ground so high as to be in range of the Rebel rifles, and at these places men were frequently hit. The stream of bullets passing overhead was enormous; it is no exaggeration to say that tons of lead were thrown away for every life taken. Leaves, twigs and bark dropped from the trees, severed by passing balls, and the men often exhibited their clothing torn by the flying missiles. One instance occurs to me of a round hole perforated in the middle of a newspaper, in the hands of its reader. The Rebels readily admitted, upon the termination of the siege, that our sharpshooters had done remarkable execution. Many of their large guns were dismounted by our artillerists; my attention was afterward called to one from which the trunnion had been shaved as cleanly as if with a chisel.
Thus the siege "dragged its slow length." No nearer approaches had been made by engineering; Banks had thus far trusted to the weight of his metal, and the hope of starving out the enemy, for final success. One day there came an order to suspend all firing, and a party of officers with a white flag went over into the debatable ground, where they were met by another party from the opposite lines. The rifle-pits were speedily relinquished, arms laid aside, and the combatants crowded the parapets, eyeing the proceedings with the curiosity of deep interest. Something unusual was evidently going forward. Presently the grotesque side of the soldier's nature came uppermost, and colloquies like the following were exchanged all along the line:

Blues—Halloa, there, you Rebels! Wouldn't you like a trip to Mississippi, for your health?
Grays—We're very well off here. How's Banks? And when are you coming over here?
Blues—Sooner than you'll want to see us. Wouldn't you like some coffee? —(an article unknown in their Commissary Department.)
Grays—Coffee be !How's Joe Hooker since Chancellorsville?
Blues—Much better than Dick Taylor was after Bisland and Irish Bend. Do you get your mail regular?
The truce lasted two hours; and then the rifle-pits were repopulated, and the work of war resumed. But there was a meaning in that flag, which some of us conjectured before night. It was discussed in the pits, between the strokes of the ramrod, and officers lying beneath shady trees in the blistering heat of that afternoon speculated upon it. By and by somebody came to tell us of -whispers that had been overheard at Division Headquarters, or what had been confided to somebody by the clerks that copied the orders. The night came—the still, solemn night, with its blazonry of stars, shining as they only do in the low latitudes; and with it the Sergeant-Major, to inform the officers that the Colonel desired to see them all, immediately. We gathered before his tent-fly, stretched under the trees, and listened breathlessly to the intelligence which he gave us, emphasized now and then by the sullen roar of one of the Indiana thirty-twos from the hill above. We learned that the flag that morning had covered a demand from Banks to Gardner, for the immediate surrender of Port Hudson, and that the latter had responded that he considered it his duty to hold the place to the last extremity. An assault had been determined upon for the next day, Sunday, June 14th, before daylight. The blow was to be struck neir the northeastern angle, where our artillerists had dismounted every Rebel gun. Weitzel's division was to lead, with the old brigade, the General's first command, in advance. Our Colonel had been over to reconnoitre the ground, and he described it minutely. A sheltered road had been cut around the base of the hill upon which the angle we were to assault was built, and we should be able to rush from shelter directly upon the works. The Seventy-fifth Now York were to advance as skirmishers; the Ninety-first New York Were to close in rapidly with hand-grenades, and drive the Rebels back from the angle; the Twenty-fourth Connecticut were next to rush forward and fill up the ditch with cotton bags; and then the balance of Weitzel's old brigade—the Eighth Vermont, the One Hundred and Fourteenth and One Hundred and Sixtieth New York, must scale the works, attack with the bayonet, and fight vigorously till the whole division could be poured in. A foothold inside was all that was required; there was to be a simultaneous attack at another point close by, and the weight of the attack was to be concentrated at whichever should be found most vulnerable; while Dwight and Augur were to distract the attention of the enemy from the real attack, ty continuous feinting on the right. Such, in brief, was the plan; and the General was confident of success. He had told our Colonel that he should attend church in Port Hudson the next day.

The breathless interest of the school-boy hangs with an imaginative rapture over the night before a battle. Make a soldier of your school-boy, with a soldier's training, and he will find that the reality is a stern, simple one, divested of all romance. In the silence of the next hour I called my company together, and told them that on the morrow we were to be called upon for the soldier's gravest duty; that I knew they would perform it well, at whatever cost, and that they must endeavor to sleep in the few hours which would intervene. They heard me very quietly, and went back to their rest upon breaking ranks. They were all young, some quite boyish, and most of them had left pleasant homes among the hills of Central New York to fight for the flag. God only knows the emotions that thronged upon the hearts of the thousands within our lines that night who knew what their part must be in the bloody work of the morrow; the Omniscient alone can tell what tender faces flitted across their slumbers, or what memories of a happy past flooded them. I noticed that many left pictures and letters with those whose duty was to detain them in the rifle-pits; and here and there was a small group whispering in subdued tones. Yet soldiers are more than any other men creatures of habit, and even the shadow of a coming battle cannot deprive them of sleep. We slept that night peacefully and sweetly; but we are told that travellers have lain down by the crater of an uneasy volcano, and slept while the earth beneath them was heaving and shaking with the throes of the coming eruption.
The sleepers were quietly aroused at one o'clock; there was neither reveille nor any unnecessary noise to break the stillness of that early Sabbath morning. Coffee had been prepared, and was taken; belts were buckled, cartridgeboxes settled into place, canteens slung, and the companies formed at shouldered arms. The stars were still in the sky, but there were also clouds, and the faces of the men were distinguishable from each other only upon close inspection. The roll-call was not loud, but under the breath, and what little conversation was necessary was spoken in a low tone. Heavy details had been made to man the rifle-pits, and they had already moved into them. The companies filed into a ravine near regimental headquarters, one by one; the battalion was formed, the field officers joined it, dismounted, and the column moved out. The brigade was in motion by two o'clock, as a unit, the regiments promptly falling into column. Then there was a halt of half an hour or more near division headquarters, and there the whole attacking column was organized. A few lights shone faintly through the leafy screen, and I fancied that final words were being spoken, and cautious advice was repeated. The word "Forward!" was spoken from mouth to mouth, and the column took the route-step, marching by fours. The step was not hurried; there was ample time to reach the scene of operations before daylight, and there were occasional halts to be made, to allow troops collected ahead of us to clear the road. Most of the way was through thick woods, with gullies and ravines now and then to be crossed. There was not light enough to reveal the depth of the column; but muffled footfalls could be heard far back to the rear, and we could distinguish a mass of dimly-defined figures filling the road in front, all moving on with a steady tramp toward the scene of the approaching conflict. In many places arms were stacked among the trees, and the soldiers who bore them, probably the reserves, lined the road, and peered curiously into the faces of the passing column. They well knew whither we were bound; and sometimes the sympathetic question greeted us, " what regiment, boys—what regiment?" A slight wind stirred as the morning advanced, just enough to move the branches overhead, and the air was cool and pleasant. There was little noise to break the stillness of those most silent hours; the joke and laugh of the long march had no place here; we moved on steadily, silently, almost funereally; and a curious observer might have fancied that he beheld a phantom host sweeping through the forest. "No cymbal clashed, no clarion rung, Still wore the fife and drum." The distance marched that morning was several miles, by a sinuous path which skirted our position toward the left, and then opened into the Bayou Sara road, leading directly into Port Hudson. The column filed to the right upon reaching this road, and advanced a short distance directly to the front. A thick growth of timber bordered it upon the right, and more reserves were crowded by it. It had grown less dark within half an hour, although there was some little time yet before the first light of morning, and two hours intervened before sunrise. A thin, almost transparent mist from the river filled the air, as if to keep back still longer the light that must look upon human bloodshed. By the side of the road some of us distinguished Generals Grover and Weitzel talking earnestly together, with frequent gestures toward the front. A little further on, a wide ravine intersected the road, which had been hastily bridged over for the more expeditious passage of the troops; and very few eyes failed to observe that the planking had been thickly lined with cotton, which entirely deadened the noise of our feet. It was a significant sign of the immediate vicinity of the enemy; and from this point the excitement of the morning fairly begun. Filing sharp to the right after crossing the bridge, the column plunged into a thick wood—traversed it—and emerged upon the other side in view of the Rebel position. Daylight was hardly with us yet: but there was a translucent gray in the atmosphere which was the prelude of dawn, and which obscured objects without concealing them. A musket-shot, a single report from far up the road, sent a thrill through the ranks, and the whispered comment, "The Seventy-fifth are in !" passed from lip to lip. I consulted my watch: the hour was just five o'clock. A series of low, irregular hills was before us, almost above us, covered with earthworks, within which still slumbered the unsuspicious enemy, not yet aware of our presence. Far over to the right the hills were higher, and were partially vailed in the exhalations of the morning; our own position which we had left three hours before. As we looked, another musket-shot sounded above us, apparently from the other side of the nearest hill, and immediately followed the sharp, irregular crack and clatter of the skirmishers' rifles. They seemed to be the preconcerted signal for the unleashing of all the furies of battle. The hills on our right, far as we could see, suddenly glowed with flame, and the uproar of fifty guns burst upon us, while shells and grape flew over the Rebel works with a combination of such devilish noises as are only heard in the infernal regions, or in a battle. Every discharge rent the misty cloak which shrouded the hills, and long, bright tongues of flame devoured the obscurity with an effect that instantly suggested that remarkable line of Campbell's " Hohenlinden :"

"Far flashed the red artillery." The echoes of the cannonade rolled in endless reverberations through the ravines, and the unremitting crashing of musketry from the rifle-pits filled up every pause in this fearful chorus. The sunken road referred to in a previous paragraph was cut closely around the hill whose base we had reached, and wound in a semicircle up toward the summit. It must have been two hundred yards in length, and was excavated to a depth of seven feet. There had been a brief halt at the edge of the wood for some purpose; but the column now moved rapidly forward, and as my regiment entered the shelter of the road, I heard the clear voice of the General shouting the order,
"Fix bayonets!"
There was no halt made for this purpose; the order had hardly been executed before another came.
"Forward—double-quick—march 1"
The murmur which precedes a cheer was running through the column, when it was suddenly brought to a stand-still, and at the same instant a clamor of shouts and cries burst forth from the hill overhead, mingled with an incessant rattle of small-arms. And now commenced one of those sickening, disheartening delays, which are, if possible, more painful to bear than the horrors of the fight itself. The road was quite narrow; a group of fours filled it from side to side. Struggling to urge forward the men in front of us, we tried in vain to press on. Shouts came from the rear, " For God's sake, don't stop now; go on, and let us get through with it!" and the invariable answer was returned: "We can't; the fighting up in front has choked up the road." In a few moments an impulse was given, and the column slowly moved on again. A few rods more brought us to the deepest part of the road, so that all view of the scene of the conflict was shut out from us. As we progressed with fettered feet and swelling hearts, we could still see the flash of the guns along our lines, and their shells went low over our heads, in several cases inflicting wounds in the assaulting column. Every gun, great and small, around Port Hudson, united in this tumult of destruction, and the blended sounds of the strife were indescribable. Whoever attempts to portray a scene like this will be painfully reminded of the utter inadequacy of mere words and phrases to do it justice. Of all discords that ever violated the repose of nature, that of a battle is the worst. It is simply a hell on earth. And what Victor Hugo calls the quid obscurum of battles, seems to me to be the whole of a battle. It is all doubtful—all rush, and roar, and tumult, until the decisive point is turned by one side or the other; except perhaps that it may be clear enough to the Napoleonic genius that can "ride the whirlwind and direct the storm."
Step by step, little by little, the column struggled upward. The crash of musketry overhead was redoubled, and the bullets now and then buried themselves deep in the face of the cutting, or whistled sharply overhead. Shells from our batteries were bursting painfully near us, and flying fragments passed through the ranks. The wounded began to stream down from the front; the faces of friends whom we knew in other regiments flitted by like phantom visions in a dream—all white and contorted with the agony of wounds, and some covered with blood.
"Heavy work for you, boys, up yonder!" I heard a familiar voice say. The speaker was Captain S——, of the Seventy-fifth. He recognized us as he went by, and tried hard to smile; but his right hand was grasping his left arm, which a bullet had shattered, and pain was written in every lineament of his face. There was no way for the wounded to leave the field other than by this same road, and they hurried past us with dripping wounds, some able to walk, and others supported by their friends, with many of whom, no doubt, anxiety for their own personal safety was quite as strong a motive as humanity. No artist has ever yet placed, upon canvas a battle-picture so suggestive, so absolutely startling, as that narrow cut just then presented. It was the ebb and flow of battle compressed into a space of six feet in width; two human currents were setting past each other—one strong and vigorous, making all haste to reach the scene of action, the other feeble and halting, limping back to the rear in a ghastly procession, which warned us of the reception which we were to meet.

And still the column pressed upward, while every eye was bent anxiously forward to catch the first view of the position. It was no time for the exhibition of enthusiasm; nobody failed to understand that the assault was being furiously pressed, without an inch of advantage to us thus far. I looked at the faces of those about me, and saw that they perfectly understood it. There were some boyish faces there that were quite pale, and the bearded ones wore a look which was almost one of suffering; but one and all were silently nerving their hearts for the torment, and they kept right on. Piling to the left, we passed under the prostrate trunk of a tree, lying across the cut, the way narrowing here so that the files were undoubled, and the men were obliged to stoop half way to the earth to pass the obstacle. General Weitzel's Aides were endeavoring to make their way on foot through the dense mass, cow up toward the front, and again back to the rear. And during all this time the crash of small-arms in advance grew sharper, and the yells of the combatants were louder and more startling.
It must have been more than half an hour from the time that my regiment entered the sunken road until it emerged from the other extremity under fire.
The sound of the strife rolled down from above in an increasing tumult; the bullets fell thicker into the road; the air was mingled with noises of battle. The sides of the cut began to slope toward the level of our feet; two rods more, and we were out of the covered way. There was an abrupt ucent, then a small area of rough, uneven ground, then a ditch, seven feet deep, and quite as wide, while beyond all rose a perpendicular earthwork, not less than twelve feet above the ditch, built in the form of a retreating angle. Here was the point chosen for the assault, and before it was being enacted a scene of slaughter replete with all the horrors of a close and desperate fight. There was not. sufficient ground to allow a regiment to deploy to advantage; as fast as they were unmasked from the cut, the companies rushed with a shout up the ascent, across the intervening ground, and into the ditch. From the parapet of the Rebel work came a continual flash of rifles—not in volleys, but in an irregular burst which never ceased while the attack lasted. The Rebels were entirely sheltered behind their defences; hardly a head was to be seen above the parapet. The open space before the work was strewn with soldiers in blue, dead, dying, and severely wounded; they lay among the bushes, on the hillside, and covered the bottom of that awful ditch, yawning like a grave, at the foot of the work. For a whole hour there waa a continued repetition of this scene; a yell, a rush, shouts, musket shots, cries and groans. The ditch was at last filled with the living and the dead; the former striving, within six yards of the muzzles of the Rebel rifles, to climb the face of the earthwork, and continually dropping back, with bullet-holes perforated clear through their bodies. The cotton bags, which were intended to fill up the ditch, were scattered over the ground before it, with their bearers, in some cases, crouching for shelter behind them. The hand-grenades, upon which much reliance had been placed, exploded harmlessly against the face of the work. Wounded men were killed while trying to crawl beyond the range of the fire, or lay helpless under it, unable to hazard the attempt. The contracted space before the ditch was swept with rifle balls and buckshot; every repetition of the assault was met by the same murderous discharge, covering the ground thickly with its victims, and adding to the horrors of the scene. The air rang with shouts, groans and imprecations; there was a Babel of noise, an Aceldama of destruction.

The close of the first hour, when the east was reddening with sunrise, found the regiments scattered and broken up in hopeless confusion. All that desperate courage could do had been essayed to no purpose, except to show that the assault could not succeed. Charge after charge had been made and repulsed; the ditch was an obstacle which could not be overcome, and most of those who reached it unhurt were shot down in the attempt to return. Of my own regiment, one-third was placed hors du combat; three officers, including the Colonel, were mortally, and four others severely hurt; and other regiments suffered proportionately. The day was virtually decided against us by sunrise, although the troops were not withdrawn for some hours afterward, but lay prone to the earth, behind logs, stumps and ridges, discharging their rifles over the top of the work, and occasionally picking off an exposed head. Even dead bodies were made shelters for the living, and soldiers fired from behind their slain comrades. As the troops crowded up from the rear, they were sent forward to join in this bush-fighting; but there was no serious demonstration made after the sun was an hour high. The battle was lost and the blood shed before sunrise; but while it lasted there were deeds of conspicuous bravery exhibited which the annals of the war can hardly surpass. Upon the first charge of my own regiment, .the color-guard was almost destroyed; the color-bearer was killed, and but two or three of the nine escaped with slight wounds. As the regiment fell back to reform, the flag was left, in the confusion of the moment, on the top of a ridge, exposed to the enemy's fire. It was saved by the gallantry of Private George Collins, of Company D, who crept to the spot and brought it away under a shower of balls. One year later, the same brave fellow fell at Winchester, faithful to his duty to the last. There was no lack of daring, and the long columns of the dead list showed how lavishly some of the best blood of the North was expended in that fruitless attack.
There was no bravery more conspicuous, nor were any sufferings more fearful, or any endurance stouter, during, and after, this assault, than those of Brigadier-General Halbert E. Paine,* who led his brigade in a charge across a field at another point of attack. Struck down by a Mini6 ball which shattered his leg, he lay on the field after his command was compelled to fall back, for fourteen hours, in the blistering sun, exposed to a continual fire from the works, and enduring such torments from thirst, heat, and swarms of insects, as can scarcely be comprehended. A full dozen of the brave fellows of this brigade were killed and wounded while trying to bring him water; and, finally, after nightfall, he was carried from the field more dead than alive. His leg was afterward amputated. It would be hard to conceive of more acute tortures than the wounded in this assault endured, who were compelled to lie where they fell until darkness shielded the succoring parties sent from
•Representative in the present Congress from the Milwaukee District of Wisconsin.

our lines. Death on the battle-field in such a situation is sternly stripped of all its romantic glories, and tenfold horrors superadded.
All the morning, while there was work to do, stretchers and ambulances were busy bearing back the wounded to the field-hospital, a mile to the rear. The sights and sounds of that place will scarcely bear description. A large enclosure of bare ground, surrounded with branches, was crowded in every part with the victims of the fight, the number constantly increasing. The surgeons were busy at their sickening work, and a chaplain was also there, striving to soothe the sufferers. Some were quiet, as if unconscious of the approach of death; some were writhing with pain, but laboring hard to suppress any audible tokens of it; others, entirely unnerved with pain and apprehension, shouted, blasphemed,or prayed in frantic tones. Some expired under the knife; some died before the surgeon could reach them, and others were carried from the table, groaning with their agony, to make room for new arrivals from the front. It was a scene too painful in its details to be dwelt upon.
The assault failed at all points; there was the same story throughout of desperate, reckless daring, and unavailing slaughter. Our losses in killed and wounded were not less than twelve hundred; those of the Rebels were slight, owing to their protected situation, and it is supposed that less than one hundred fell inside their works. On the second day after the fight, a truce was agreed upon for the purpose of burying the dead. Several hundreds were buried where they fell, many of them so blackened by exposure as to be past recognition.
The end came at last—but not then. It came twenty-five days later, after patient endurance, and saps, and mines, and starvation had accomplished the work that mere bravery could not—after Vicksburg had gone down before the genius of Grant, and Port Hudson was driven to sullen capitulation. It came on the 9th of July, when, with drums beating and banners flying, our victorious soldiers marched unchallenged into the enemy's works, and the long line of Rebel muskets were grounded before them. It came to us who did not witness the glory of that closing scene—to us who wrestled with death in the crowded wards of the Baton Rouge and New Orleans hospitals, steeling our hearts to the agony of terrible wounds as we lay on beds of suffering. There were dying eyes which grew brighter, and cheeks, white with the pallor of dissolution, into which the blood leaped once more as the cry ran through the ward, "Port Hudson has fallen!" And we who finally rose from the hospital pallets, whole of our hurts and preserved for still graver fortunes of the war—we, too, rejoiced to know that our toils, our perils, and our sufferings had not been in vain.
James Franklin Fitts.

Monday, March 9, 2015

Colonel Charles Cooper Nott, 176th New York "First Impression"


Image of Colonel Charles Cooper Nott, 176th New York


Colonel Charles Cooper Nott of the 176th New York wrote an account of his experience in Louisiana and Texas in 1863 titled Sketches in Prison Camps: A Continuation of Sketches of the War.




An interesting angle to the war are Yankees' first impression of Louisiana. Nott provides a detailed account of South Louisiana in 1863 on pages 25-28 of his Sketches in Prison Camps:


WESTWARD from New Orleans stretches the Opelousas railroad, and along this road we are now doing guard duty. Guarding a railroad is the most unwelcome task that can be thrust on the Colonel of a new regimentscattering the companies, demoralizing the men, destroying the regiment, and therefore a Colonel, under such circumstances, has a right to be a little discontented, and very cross...Up the neighboring bayou of La Fourche, too, come miniature canalboats, tugged along by little creole ponies, and laden with fish and oysters, which the swarthy French fishermen catch in the not distant Gulf. The surrounding woods are filled with game that finds its way constantly to camp, and from every one of the large plantations
Page  26that abound here, are brought vegetables, eggs and poultry. Yet I do not relish this ease and indolencethe rough cavalry service suits me better, and I wish a hundred times a day that I were back in Tennessee. It is the spring-time of the year, yet there is but little of the reality of spring to us. The grass has long been green, the flowers are plentiful, the sun is hot and burning, but the leaves come leisurely along, and for a fortnight have only moved. These flowers, too, have generally no fragrance, though now and then there is one that overpowers us with its sweet, sickening odor, and the birds that fill the trees are songless, save the "merry mocking-bird," who, like the perfume-giving flowers, has more than his share of noise and song. There is, therefore, none of the glad bursting forth that makes so brief and beautiful our northern spring. This is a muster-day in the army, and it is the forerunner of the Pay-MIaster. I have been busy since daybreak calling the rolls of the companies along the railroad, and I have now to ride twelve miles and muster one that is doing Provost guard duty in the village of Houma. It is not a pleasant ride to Houma; the road runs along a bayou, as straight and stagnant as a canal. Occasionally there comes a boat, freighted with a dozen barrels of molasses or a few hogsheads of sugar, furrowing its way through the green scum that covers the water, and breaking down the rank-growing weeds that choke the channel. The vagabond-looking ponies that drag it along, travel on the "levee," which has the
Page  27appearance of a tow-path, and makes the bayou look more than ever like a canal. This bayou, is a hideous frog-pond, long drawn out, filled with black, slimy mud, and teeming with hideous reptiles. My horse starts as I ride beside it, and snuffs the tainted air nervously, for two turkey-buzzards fly up from the huge carcass of an alligator, and alight close beside me on the fence. Two more remain on the alligator, gorged so that they cannot rise. Their rough, dirty feathers remind one of the uncombed locks of a city scavenger. No one ever shoots them, but draws back and says, with unconcealed disgust. " What a foul bird that is." Yet on the other side of the road, spreading back to the poisonous swamps in the rear, lie some of the rich plantations of Louisiana. There are the sugar-houses, with their heavy brick chimneys, as large and clumsy as those of a foundry; and near by stand the planter's house, the overseer's house, the engineer's house, and a little village of contraband cabins. The vast fields are cut up into square blocks by ditches, sometimes ten feet deep, reminding one of the graded lots in the outskirts of a city. On one side of each range of these blocks is a raised plantation road, which crosses the ditches on substantial bridges, and runs, perhaps for miles, arrow-like, as a railroad. It is probable that the plantation is surrounded by a levee, to keep the water out. The large ditches then empty into a canal, and at the end of this canal will be found a " pumping machine," driven by a steam engine. which pumps the plantation dry and keeps
Page  28it above water. Such wealthful agriculture we have nowhere in the North. The broad, dull thoroughfare on which I ride is an unpleasant contrast to the shaded bridle-roads of Tennessee. Yet it furnishes our only ride, and for twelve miles there is but one turn-off, or intersecting road, and not one hill or hollow. So far as the eye can reach in all directions-so far as one call ride on any road he may choose to take, is one weary, continuing, unbroken flatness. I feel a constant longing to mount a hill, and often have to repress an impulse to climb a tree, where I can look around and breathe a little freer air. Houma looks somewhat like a deserted village. The shops are shut, many of the houses empty, and the scowling people wear an idle, listless air. The:re is no love lost between them and the troops. Some months ago a few sick soldiers of the Twenty-First Indiana were massacred not far from the village, and it was done by some of the most "' respectable " planters. I believe all of the guilty parties escaped to the enemy's lines, except one, and he, poor wretch, lived for months in the gloomy swamps near us, a fiightened maniac. His body was lately found, showing that he had lain down, worn out and sick, and died alone in the dreary solitude. In one of these deserted houses I find my officers established, and after finishing the muster of their company, I spend with them a pleasant evening and quiet night. Another dull and solitary ride carries me back to my headquarters...

Monday, February 23, 2015

Yankee's Impression of Texans in Louisiana

Below is the account of a soldier of the 176th New York Infantry after his capture at Brashear City in June of 1863:

"THE TEXANS.A word before I close this epistle about the Texans, whose prisoners we had been for a month. I have called them half savages, and it is about true, but they have some of the noblest qualities of savages. They are brave to rashness, and will endure with patience any amount of exposure and suffering to accomplish their end. They are generous, good natured, and treat their prisoners with much kindness. They are splendid horsemen, fine marksmen, and can go for days with but a morsel of uncooked food to eat. They are cheap troops to support, because they don't care for tents, will wear any kind of clothing, and will live on bacon and hoecake, or forage for themselves and their horses.But though brave, they are perfectly undisciplined and regardless of orders, and will fight every man on his own hook, breaking ranks as soon as they commence firing. So that although they are excellent bushwhackers, they are often scattered and routed in the open field. They consider themselves the equals of their officers, and it is a risky matter to punish them for insubordination. When there is no fighting going on they soon tire of the re¬straints of camp life and often leave for home, coming back when it suits them. Then they will steal, even from their own officers; they will brag beyond all the bounds of truth, and they wont wash themselves or their shirts. They don't consort readily with the Louisianians, whom they call "lazy, cowardly Creoles," and by whom they are cordially hated and termed "Camanches and thieves," and both charges have, I expect, some foundation. To give you an example of the Texan way of doing things: Two or three days ago some of them broke into the stores of their Post Quartermaster, and came riding past our hospital decked out with their spoils—captured federal clothing. One long, lank country boy had a hat and a cap on his head and another cap in his hand. One of our wounded men, looking over the balcony, called out: "I wish you would give me one of those caps, I have'nt got any?" Not expecting, however, that his request would be granted: "All right," cried Texas, and chucked the cap up; it fortunately proved a good fit."















Monday, February 9, 2015

New Yorker on Opelousas

On May 8, 1863, the 114th New York Infantry Regiment marched into Opelousas, Louisiana. In History of the 114th Regiment, New York State Volunteers, its author said the following about Opelousas:

"This is a post-village and the Capital of St. Landry Parish. It is an old dilapidated looking town, built by the French and Spanish, and contains the Franklin College and a Nunnery."

Monday, February 2, 2015

176th New York in Louisiana Part II

The two articles below record the role of the 176th New York during June of 1863 while facing Dick Taylor's advance on Brashear City and the Lafourche.


Published in the New York Times on August 8, 1863:

The Capture of Brashear City by the Rebels The Ironsides Regiment.
To the Editor of the New-York Times:
 
As various statements have reached home concerning the capture of Brashear City and the One Hundred and Seventy-sixth New-York State Volunteers, known as the "Ironsides," and as it is desirable that our friends should learn the truth, I will endeavor to give you a sketch of the whole affair. 
Our regiment encamped at Brashear City on the 1st of June; two companies (A and F) were sent to Fort Buchanan, at the head of Berwick Bay, about two miles from the town; another (I) was sent down to Fort Chene, at the mouth of Bayou Chene, a small bayou running into the Atchafalaya River, about twelve miles below Brashear; Company K was left at Terre Bonne in charge of the stockade, and a portion Company D remained at Thibodaux, under command of the Captain on provost duty. Hence it will be teen that we had at headquarters but five fall companies and a portion of a sixth. While we remained at Brashear we made frequent scouts across Berwick Bay and up the Teche, but without teeing any considerable force of the enemy. At a result or this arduous duty many of the officers and men fell sick, to that not more than one half of the force were actually on duty. Rumors, of the approach of the enemy, under Gens. Mouton and Dick Taylor, were frequent, but no definite information being given, they were not credited.On the morning of June 20, an attack being apprehended at La Fourche, all the available force not sick or on duty left Brashear City for that piece. One battalion numbered 120 men and eight officers, under command of Maj. Morgans; the Twenty-third Connecticut took some 80 men, under the Major, and a company of about 40 men of the Forty-second Massachusetts. When we reached La Fourche, we found about one hundred men of the Twenty-third Connecticut stationed there. Hearing nothing of the enemy, we were about to return to Brashear in the afternoon, when a courier dashed in, reporting their approach. 
They captured Thibodeaux and a portion of our force there, which only numbered about 100 in all -- mostly convalescents. The remainder came safely to La Fourche Crossing, closely pursued by the enemy, who were mounted. Our artillery opened upon them and drove them off, with a loss of two killed and several wounded. An extra train was then tent to Terre Bonne for Company K of our regiment. Just before it reached there, some fifty of the enemy approached under a flag of truce. Lieut. Lyons went out to meet them. During his parley the train arrived, and the Company embarked, seeing which the enemy made' the Lieutenant prisoner, and charged on the 'train, which moved off, and reached La Fourche in safety. This made an accession of twenty-five men to our force. No further demonstrations were made that night. We remained under arms. The rebels were reported as numbering 3,000 men. The next morning we received reinforcements of two companies of the Twenty-sixth Massachusetts, We were underarms all day. At 10 o'clock it commenced raining and continued all that day and night. Our scouts reported the enemy's approach late in the afternoon. The attack was made about 6 1/2 o'clock, just before dark, the enemy advancing through the weeds on our front and endeavoring to turn our right flank. Our line of battle was formed with the One Hundred and Seventy-sixth New-York on the right, supporting one 12-pounder field piece, one company of the Twenty-fifth Connecticut and Twenty-sixth Massachusetts in centre, and Twenty-third Connecticut on the left, at each of which points a piece was planted. The balance of the artillery, 3 pieces, were posted on the railroad bridge -- the Forty-second Massachusetts in reserve. As regards the action itself, I can only speak from personal knowledge of that portion in which the One Hundred and Seventy-sixth regiment was encased, and the right flank, which was held by a company of the Twenty-third Connecticut. The heaviest fire was on the right, where we were engaged. We drew their first and second fires, and then fired from rank at close range, the enemy being not more than three rods distant. This fire proved very destructive and broke them, but rallying, they renewed the fire; but our rapid volleys proved too much for them, and they fled.

The action lasted about an hour; the force engaged on our side did not exceed 225 men, that of the enemy was 500 infantry, with 200 cavalry in reserve who did not take an active part. The enemy's loss was, to our certain knowledge, 68 killed and 70 wounded, including Col. Dixon and Lieut.-Col. Walker, of the Second Texas Mounted Rifles, who were both badly wounded. We have reason to believe that a much larger number of the enemy were wounded than they acknowledged at the time. Our loss was 7 killed and 32 wounded, including two killed and 15 wounded from the One Hundred and Seventy-sixth. Our force being worn out with exhaustion and fatigue, and uncertain as to the number of the enemy, did not attempt to pursue them. A word or two concerning the conduct of the One Hundred and Seventy-sixth, while under fire: Although it was the first time they had been in action, not a man flinched, but all stood like veterans. Our Ma[???]e, MORGAN MORGANS, Jr., distinguished himself by his gallantry and bravery. This was his first fight, vet his orders were delivered as coolly as if drilling the battalion; receiving no orders, he fought as long as there was a rebel to be shot at.
 
On Monday reinforcements arrived, under Col. Cahill, consisting of the Ninth Connecticut and the Fifteenth Maine. On Tuesday the One Hundred and Seventy-sixth New-York and the Fifteenth Maine, with a section of artillery and a company of cavalry, advanced to Thibodeaux, and found the enemy had left the night previous for Brashear City. Our battalion remained at Thibodeaux till Wednesday, when, receiving intelligence of the approach of a large body of the enemy, we fell back to La Fourche, from whence the entire force fell back to Boutte Station. Our battalion was sent to New-Orleans, where we first heard of the capture of Brashear. 
On the arrival of the men who had been paroled we learned the full particulars. It seems that Lieut. Col. Duganne left Brashear with all the force, infantry and artillery, be could get together, on Sunday, June 21st, and cams down to Bayou Boeuf Station with about 300 men. The enemy made some offensive demonstrations to attract attention, meanwhile crossing a portion of their force in sugar coolers and piroques, at the head of Bayou Boeuf, whence they went up to Brashear City. At four o'clock on Tuesday moraine, June 23, the enemy opened upon Brashear from across the bay with a battery of ten or twelve pieces; heavy firing was continued for several hours, attracting the attention of the few men there, who were, with few exceptions, sick and convalescents, when suddenly the Confederate yell was heard in the rear, and a force of about three hundred was discovered close at hand. There being no leader, the men fought in little squads for a short time, but were overpowered by numbers. Our gallant Colonel, Charles C. Holt, who had been sick for nearly three months, mounted his horse to endeavor to rally the men, but fell twice. A colored company of the Second regiment Ullman's brigade made a good stand, but were cut to pieces, and, I understand, alt killed -- the last seen of them, their Commander stood with a few men about him, fighting desperately. The Provost-Guard, some 12 men under Lieut. L.W. Stevenson, also did well; the Lieutenant and three of the men were wounded. It is currently reported that the commanding officer of the post. Major Anthony, of the Second Rhode Island cavalry, did nothing to rally the men or to defend the place in the least. 
After the surrender, the enemy sent a portion of their force to attack Bayou Boeuf in the rear, and on Wednesday morning, Lieut.-Col. Duganne, finding himself completely surrounded, and believing resistance to be useless, surrendered. Unfortunately, in the haste of leaving Brashear on Saturday, the regimental colors were not taken, and were consequently captured by the enemy. 
The only officers of the regiment not captured were Maj. M. Horgans, Jr., Capts. Homer, Terry, Barbor and Johnson, Adjt. Edsall, Lieuts. Irving, Landers, Kehr, Goodsell, West, Stephenson and Weed, These were all with the battalion at La Lourche, with the exception of Capt. Johnson, who was sick in New-Orleans.

The paroled prisoners report that the officers and men were treated with great kindness by the Texans who would share their rations with them, but that while they were guarded by the Louisiana troops their treatment was severe. T.


The below article appeared in the Goshen Democrat (posted at the New York State Military Museum):

The Ironsides Regiment.As a portion of this regiment is composed of men from this vicinity (who enlisted under Colonel Wood and were subsequently consolidated with the Ironsides), the following letter, which we find in the Goshen Democrat, will prove of interest:NEW ORLEANS, LA., JUNE, 26, 1863.FRIEND T____ :Having fulfilled the promise of writing to all my near friends, I will occupy a few spare moments I have in writing you a short letter. 
Well, the Ironsides Regiment is laid on the shelf for the present, as far as active duty is concerned. There remains but about one hundred and forty members for duty, the remainder being taken prisoners with our Colonel and Lieutenant-Colonel. The regiment has been at Brashear City for the past month, skirmishing daily with the enemy across the bay and up the Teche country. 
Last Saturday morning we received a dispatch from Thibodeaux, that a large cavalry force had got in the rear of us and marching on that place, hereupon a detachment of the One Hundred and Seventy-sixth was ordered to take the cars to Lafourche Crossing, distant from Thibodeaux four miles, and from Brashear City twenty-five. We arrived at Lafourche in due time and found everything quiet, remained until night when we were ordered to return. Just then in came a courier, stating that fifteen hundred mounted Rebels were within two miles of Thibodeaux. We accordingly began preparing for them. Their advance guard rode in town, capturing some twelve of our company, who were on foot, and one company of the Twelfth Maine. 
Our Captain, who was mounted, escaped with some others, and came into camp closely pursued by the Rebels. They rode to within thirty rods of our lines, when we sent a shell from a 12-pound howitzer among them, dismounting about half a dozen of them, when they retreated back toward Thiboudeaux. Nothing more was heard from them except picket firing until the next night, when they advanced under a drenching rain, driving our pickets before them. We were formed in a line of battle, our left resting on the bank of the bayou, our regiment in the centre, a 12-pounder on each flank, supported by a company each, of the Twenty-Third Connecticut, and a rifled piece in the centre. 
They opened first with canister from a piece they had concealed behind a distant sugar house, but we silenced it after firing three rounds. They then charged with a yell through the thich [sic] weeds, in front, firing at the same time. Our boys did not fire until their line was within thirty feet of ours when we opened on them with a murderous fire and it cheeked them immediately. They rallied and charged again on the left flank, getting one of our guns in their possession, but only for a moment.—One Rebel Lieutenant layed [sic] his pistol across it and demanded the surrender of the piece, when he was picked up instantly on at least six bayonets. Three others met the same fate, and seeing they could not break our lines they fell back in the darkness, evidently not well satisfied with their evening's entertainment. 
The groans of their wounded were terrible. They lost eighty killed and one hundred wounded. Nearly all fell within fifty feet of our lines. We lost ten killed and twenty wounded. We took about thirty prisoners. It was the Second Texas that charged on us; they were three hundred and fifty strong, while we had but two hundred and twenty-five engaged in the fight. They fought desperately and bravely, but they could not break our lines, our boys never give way one foot, but stood and fought like veterans. We had only one hundred and ten of our regiment engaged. They say it is the first time they were ever whipped, and indeed they were as fine looking men as I ever saw. They were with Price in Missouri and Arkansas, and at the taking of the Harriet Lane. 
The next day we went in force to Thibodeaux, but they had retreated and left their Lieutenant-Colonel there badly wounded; the Colonel was wounded in the arm and leg, but escaped with them. We killed two Captains and four Lieutenants outright. Our company had seventeen men in the fight, including the Second Lieutenant, and we had six wounded. I myself had a very narrow escape. I was capping my gun, with my head slightly bent, when a bullet grazed my temple and cheek, leaving a mark as it went and striking the button on my shoulder and cut the cloth strap nearly off. It turned my head around for a few moments. 
Old John Finley has sustained his reputation as a marksman. Being out on picket, three Rebels rode by at some distance off, when he fired, bringing one of them to the ground. Our Adjutant, T. Henry Edsall, is a very brave and skillful soldier. He was in the thickest of the fight with a rifle in his hand, but he over-exerted himself and was carried to the rear before the firing ceased. The day after the battle, a negro came riding in, stating that seven thousand Rebels were advancing on us, which we soon found out to be true. Not having one third of their force we began retreating, burning bridges behind us as we went. We arrived opposite New Orleans the next night, and there learned that our Colonel, Lieutenant-Colonel and the remainder of the regiment had been captured, with all our knapsacks, but heard no particulars of the battle. We have not had a blanket to lay on for the past week, and it has rained near all the time. We are staying at present on a race course, about four miles above New Orleans. The Rebels now occupy the country between Oppelousas and New Orleans. Magruder is in the state with about 15,000 men, but Banks will take care of him, if things go right at Port Hudson, and no doubt they will, as the news from there yesterday was very favorable. If we ever do get back in the Lafourche country again, we will lay waste everything. The very planters whose property we protected, and even supplied them with guards, fired on us on our retreat.Mr. Alexander Ross, formerly of Goshen, was doing a fine mercantile business at Thibodeaux. He was absent at the city at the time, and being the only Union merchant in the place, his store was pointed out instantly to the Rebels, who entirely emptied it of its contents. But I must close. Give my respects to all the friends and answer soon. 
Yours, HARRY GORDON,Acting orderly, Co. D., 176th Regiment, N. Y. V.P. S.—I send you a list of our wounded of company D, which I wish you would have the Democrat publish for the benefit of their friends.Corporal A. Nelson Smith, of Chester, mortally, in the groin, now in the hands of the Rebels. Privates.—J. E. Redner, Chester, through the wrist; William H. H. Hall, Chester, legs off, prisoner; George Slauson, Monroe, leg, prisoner; Edwin Sanders, New York, hip, prisoner; Richard Shortall, New York, in shoulder.Sergt. S. K. Wood, Newburgh, accidentally, jaw. 

Coppens' Zouave Battalion

Coppens' Zouave Battalion
Lt. Colonel George Coppens (seated) and brother, Captain Marie Alfred Coppens.Image sold at auction on Cowan Auctions, for $14,375